Original Article by Y. Peppas for Passive Observers
From Mesopotamia and Ancient Greece to the Middle Ages and modern Europe, the consumption of alcohol-containing beverages is evident throughout the history of our civilization. The explosion of financial corporatism, which has gained its momentum by instilling consumerism in the core of human behaviour, has transformed alcohol from a home- or locally-made product into a highly profitable commodity and a symbol of the subculture called Western Lifestyle. In this way, we have reached an era where alcohol accounts for 5% of the global disease burden and is responsible for more than 4% of deaths worldwide [Beaglehole et al 2009]. This tragic realization has
triggered substantial efforts to build effective public health policies in order to fight the modern alcohol epidemic. Unfortunately, every genuine initiative towards this direction is counterbalanced by the inadequacy of governments to safeguard public interest and to resist pressure from the alcohol industry and its procurer, the World Trade Organization (WTO) [Baumberg et al. 2008] As a result, contemporary policies mainly focus on advocating individual-based strategies, which are absolutely necessary but insufficient per se to yield a pragmatic treatment of the disease [Room et al. 2005].
From Mesopotamia and Ancient Greece to the Middle Ages and modern Europe, the consumption of alcohol-containing beverages is evident throughout the history of our civilization. The explosion of financial corporatism, which has gained its momentum by instilling consumerism in the core of human behaviour, has transformed alcohol from a home- or locally-made product into a highly profitable commodity and a symbol of the subculture called Western Lifestyle. In this way, we have reached an era where alcohol accounts for 5% of the global disease burden and is responsible for more than 4% of deaths worldwide [Beaglehole et al 2009]. This tragic realization has
triggered substantial efforts to build effective public health policies in order to fight the modern alcohol epidemic. Unfortunately, every genuine initiative towards this direction is counterbalanced by the inadequacy of governments to safeguard public interest and to resist pressure from the alcohol industry and its procurer, the World Trade Organization (WTO) [Baumberg et al. 2008] As a result, contemporary policies mainly focus on advocating individual-based strategies, which are absolutely necessary but insufficient per se to yield a pragmatic treatment of the disease [Room et al. 2005].
Alcohol
consumption has been linked to more than 60 diseases. in most cases
exhibiting a linear dose-response relationship (Figure 1). Alcohol
abuse has been consistently associated with heart disease1,
gastrointestinal disease, cancer, maternal and fetal disorders,
epilsepsy and psychiatric disorders. The role of alcohol in
violence-related and accidental injuries is also well known, with
recent advancements in our understanding of the pathophysiological
alterations2.
Rehm et al. (2009) conclude
that alcohol consumption is one of the greatest avoidable risk
factors for disease worldwide.
Room
and colleugues (2009) believe that recent advances in our
understanding of the neuroscience of addiction have little relation
to public policy making. Personally, I believe that this could be a
dire mistake. Edward Bernays, using the insight that his uncle
Sigmund Freud bequeathed3,
formed the foundations of our modern consumeristic societies by
systematically exploiting the power of the human subconscious 4.
He was the mind behind the women's smoking campaign in the 1920s, a
form of sinister propaganda that resulted in the symbolization of
cigarettes as “torches of freedom” and the consolidation of
female smoking as an act of liberalisation (Givel, 2007). The various
forms of psychosomatic addiction to instant gratifications (nicotine,
alcohol, food, illicit or prescribed drugs, shopping, sex) that have
been cultivated throughout the last century share common underlying
neurobiological mechanisms [Koob et al 2010][Dagher, 2011]. Given
that lobbyists traditionally use specific techniques to seduce the
public mind (discussed below), I believe that it is pivotal to
comprehend the organic substrates of addictive behaviour and to
utilize this knowledge in order to optimise treatment and preventive
strategies both at the level of the individual, as well as the
population as a whole [Welberg, 2011] In addition, the thorough
understanding of the pathophysiology of addiction is the only way of
providing solid evidence that would allow us to effectively regulate
corporate giants such as the alcohol industry, which still manage to
evade international justice by discrediting current scientific
knowledge [Bond et al. 2010].
Individualized
medical management of alcohol abuse constitutes an absolutely
necessary intervention. Room et al (2009) advocate management
strategies based on the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test
(AUDIT), a 10-question test developed by the World Health
Organization (WHO) [Barbor et al. 2001]5
The authors emphasize the paramount importance of early
identification of individuals at risk in the primary care setting.
Depending on their AUDIT score, individuals can be managed by brief
(prevenive) intervention, additional regular monitoring, or proper
diagnostic assessment (Figure 2). In the presence of physical
addiction different treatment modalities can be employed, both in the
outpatient and inpatient settings. These may range from social
rehabilitation and group therapy (AA) to pharmacological
detoxification with benzodiazepines, alcohol-sensitizers (e.g.
Disulfaram) or naltrexone (Room, 2005). Unfortunately, the efficacy
of different interventions remains a controversial issue and none of
them can substitute the need for primary prevention through effective
public policy making.
Anderson
et al (2009) reviewed the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of
conventional public policies aimed at reducing the harm caused by
alcohol. The authors concluded that the most effective policies
employed so far include taxation, reducing alcohol availability,
banning advertisement and drink-driving legislation, while
educaitonal programmes were found to have minor or no effect at all
(Figure 3). Although these measures have been applied sporadically in
various countries (and in varying degrees), they have failed to
consistently tackle the alcohol epidemic. In my opinion, the
mentality of hoping to control alcohol abuse through price and
availability measures is flawed in its roots, despite its merits. The
situation in Britain is quite characteristic. The pressure of
increasing alcohol tax is exerted on the indivudual, rather than the
industry, and may in fact exacerbate the problem. In a world where
value is equated to money (or vice versa), increasing the effective price of alcohol
to high but still affordable levels, does nothing more than to
reinforce the mental schema that alcohol consumption has an intrinsic
value. In the same way, restricting alcohol availability by
increasing the legal age of purchase or by introducing state-owned
retail sale, does nothing more than to imply to minors that alcohol
consumption comprises a “mature” human behaviour and to appoint
to alcohol an attractive nature of rarity, respectively. Alcohol in
Greece is much cheaper than in Britain and in reality can be
purchased by 10 year old children ( e.g. for their parents'
consumption) and still Greece has one of the
lowest rates of alcoholism in Europe (Karabetsos, 2008).
The
six policy approaches suggested by Anderson et al (2009).
|
1.
Minimum tax rates for all alcoholic beverages, at least
proportional to alcoholic
content,
should be introduced and increased regularly in line with infl
ation. In
countries
with high levels of unrecorded production and consumption, initial
focus
should
be to increase the proportion of unrecorded alcohol that is taxed,
rather than
to
increase overall alcohol taxes.
|
2
Government monopolies for the retail sale of alcohol should be
introduced or
maintained
with a minimum age of purchase of 18–21 years. When government
monopolies
are not feasible, a licensing system should be introduced with
restrictions on
outlet
density and days and hours of sale to manage the level of
alcohol-related harm.
|
3
A ban on direct and indirect alcohol advertising.
|
4
Legal concentrations of alcohol in the blood for drivers should be
introduced, with a
phased
reduction to 0·5 g/L and eventually to 0·2 g/L, with visible
enforcement
through
random and systematic checks.
|
5
Widespread simple help for hazardous and harmful alcohol
consumption should be
made
available through primary-care facilities, supported by more
intensive help for
alcohol
dependence.
|
6
Educational programmes should not be implemented in isolation as
an alcohol policy
measure,
or with the sole purpose of reducing the harm caused by alcohol,
but rather
as
a measure to reinforce awareness of the problems created by
alcohol and to prepare
the
ground for specifi c interventions and policy changes.
|
The
Reality
Beaglehole
et al. (2009) suggest that “the alcohol
industry
will continue to affect public policy
making
by encouraging ineffective policies”.
This is a view shared by many other public health experts [Cassweel et al 2009][Stenius & Babor 2009].
The studies by Bond and colleugues have drawn shocking parallels
between the smoking and alcohol industries, through their work on the
Tobacco Document Archive [Bond et al, 2009, 2010]. They revealed the
joined lobbying of the two industries, their intermingled financial
interests (e.g. Philip Morris owns the Miller Brewing company), as
well as their mutually funded ventures of jeopardising the efficiacy
of public health policies targeted against their products [ibid]. The
hypocrisy of the WTO and its crude blackmail against governments is
unprecedented. Baumberg et al. (2008) ingeniously pinpoint several
loopholes in WTO agreements, including the relativism of what
constitutes “necessary to protect human health”. The WTO
proclaims that current policies are sufficient to protect human
health, and thus dictates governments to transfer this responsibility
to their citizens. The same strategy is applied by the IMF/World bank
against economically weak countries that have been systematically
looted by the unregulated banking sector. The WTO has consistently
sunk every initiative of the WHO to create bilateral public policy
aggreements (Stenius & Babor, 2009). Agreements such as the old
GATT and the contemporary GATS (General Agreement on Trade in
Services) effectively dismantle every effort of governments to
preserve national sovereignity by labelling them protectionistic.
Finally, organizations such as the International Centre for Alcohol
Policies (ICAP) invest heavily in research, in order to create
platforms that allow them to regulate public policy making (Casswell,
2009). The WTO openly finances propagandists to safeguard its
interests in WHO forums [Bond, 2012]
Obviously,
citizents could be heald responsible if they had the liberty of
freedom of choice. We live in a world of manufacturing consent where
the individual is considered to have the capacity to make informed
choices. On the other hand, the function of the entire system is
focused on seducing citizens in order to enslave their rationality
to dopaminergic neurotransmitter deficits, which eventually make them
the perfect pray for the corparate hienas. Alcohol companies try so
hard to protect their sales. Are we doing our best to protect our
fellow citizens health?
Bibliography
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Barbor et al. (2001) ,
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1.
The popularization of the theoretical J-shaped relationship of
alcohol and coronary heart disease (CHD) has had disturbing
implications for public health policies[Skog et al. 1996].
Confounding factors may underlie the observed negative association
between low to-moderate alcohol consumption and CHD [Fillmore et al. 2007]
2
Bushman
BJ. Effects of alcohol on human aggression: validity of proposed
mechanisms. In: Galanter M, ed. Recent developments in alcoholism.
New York: Plenum, 1997; 13:
227–44)
3Sigmund
Freud, a man who dedicated his life in trying to elucidate the
nature of Ego, never managed to satisfy his own Ego. Because the
Austrian and,subsequently, the British soceities of the early 20th
Century were not mature enough to accept his psychoanalysis theory,
he granted permission to his nephew (Edward Bernays) to deliver his
work to the more liberal United States.
4For
more information, see The
centrury of self (2002),
an award-winning british documentary by Adam Curtis.
(http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=9167657690296627941)
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